Navigating Sovereignty, Dependence, and Economic Development

István Benczes: ‘Defining Economic Governance Through Critical Junctures and Learning by Doing ‘

Krisztina Arató, Boglárka Koller and Anita Pelle: ‘Why Does Hungary Not Use the Euro? The Reasons and Context Behind Staying Out’

Andrea Éltető: ‘Hungarian Industrial Policy in an EU Framework’

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A The Path of Hungary’s EU Membership. Navigating Sovereignty, Dependence, and Economic Development bejegyzés először VGI-én jelent meg.

Author: Csaba Lakócai

In: Bulletin of Geography. Socio-economic Series. Online. 2 December 2025. No. 70, pp. 125-135.

DOI 10.12775/bgss-2025-0043

Abstract

The latest pandemic had disparate impacts on the quality of life of individuals around the world. The primary hypothesis guiding this research is that the impacts on quality of life during the pandemic years are associated with the pre-pandemic social and environmental conditions. However, the effects varied across certain groups of countries and regions, as well as across different years. In order to substantiate this assumption, an analysis will be conducted on the 27 member states of the European Union at the national and NUTS2 regional levels. The regression analysis demonstrates that life expectancy in 2021 decreased more where it was lower before the pandemic. In 2020 and 2022, there were no significant differences in terms of life expectancy changes across the countries. However, we get a more nuanced picture at the regional level. In terms of life satisfaction, a convergence between the EU countries is observed by 2022.

A Lakócai Cs.: Quality of life in the EU countries and regions before and during the COVID-19 pandemic years bejegyzés először VGI-én jelent meg.

Authors: Boglárka Koller and Andrea Éltető

In: Külgazdaság, LXIX. évf., 2025. július–augusztus (72–100. o.)

DOI: https://doi.org/10.47630/KULG.2025.69.7-8.72

Abstract

The article discusses the current challenges facing European defence policy, focusing on the possibilities for implementing a common defence strategy. There have been notable initiatives for unified defence since the beginning of Western European integration, but these have been mainly unsuccessful due to political, ideological, and sovereignty-related reasons. However, Russia’s annexation of Crimea in 2014 and its aggression against Ukraine in February 2022 have made it urgent to rethink an unified European defence strategy. The re-election of Donald Trump and the radical transformation of transatlantic relations have made it urgent to strengthen the European Union’s independent defence capabilities. Based on the concept of differentiated integration, the article examines a flexible approach to defence policy that allows for varying levels of commitment and cooperation between EU member states and third countries. The article also presents the defence policy, as well as its fiscal, industrial, and innovative aspects, emphasising the interrelationships between the three pillars. The article argues that the creation of a differentiated and integrated European defence policy is essential for strengthening the security and competitiveness of the European Union, this being the only way to preserve the achievements of integration in a changing global foreign policy and foreign economic environment.

A Koller, B., Éltető, A.: The political and economic aspects and scenarios of differentiated Europe­an defence bejegyzés először VGI-én jelent meg.

Author: András Deák

In: Biró Dávid, Egeresi Zoltán (eds.): Connectivity in a changing world: Turkic States and the middle corridor. Budapest: Türk Államok Szervezete Magyarországi Képviseleti Iroda, 2025. pp. 79-100.

Abstract

The EU’s Russian fossil fuel exit has changed the context of Central  Asian energy exports considerably. Before Russia’s renewed aggression against Ukraine in February 2022, Russia’s hydrocarbons provided roughly 40% of Europe’s demand. Three years later, Russian exports have retreated only to a handful of countries within the EU, holding only small margins in their former market. According to Eurostat, the share of Russia in direct EU energy imports was 5.4% in 2023, falling from 29.3% in 2019. One might think that disappearing Russian exports have been opening up a huge market for alternatives, among others, Central Asian suppliers. In reality, energy warfare between the European Union and Russia raises various infrastructural, market, and notional barriers before Kazakh, Azerbaijani, and potential Turkmen exporters. These new constraints increase already existing uncertainty regarding the future of EU fossil markets and may deteriorate its business attractiveness in the eyes of Central Asian producers.

The paper provides an early analysis of major change factors relevant to the Central Asia-EU energy bridge. Understandably, we focus  on fossil fuel markets, primarily oil and gas, and skip prospective segments, such as minor or rare minerals and renewable energy. In the first section, we provide an overview of relations prior to 2022 and the shifts after the war restarted. We discuss the problems of Kazakh oil  transit through Russia, the potential of Azerbaijani oil and gas exports, and their future conditions. In the second part of the paper, we try to outline the dynamics between the EU’s Russia fossil fuel exit and its decarbonization agenda—two contradictory drivers, offering only a limited and shrinking rationale for major investments in European exports in Central Asia.

A Deák, A.: Is the EU’s exit from Russian fossil fuels an opportunity, a threat, or a nuance for Central Asian energy exporters? bejegyzés először VGI-én jelent meg.

Authors: Erzsébet N. Rózsa, Viktor Marsai, András Bartók

In: Li, Y., Leandro, F.J.B.S., Tavares da Silva, J., Rodrigues, C. (eds) The Palgrave Handbook on China-Europe-Africa Relations. Palgrave Macmillan, Singapore. pp. 849–864.

DOI: 10.1007/978-981-97-5640-7_41

Abstract

Whilst the European Union’s approach to its direct and farther away neighbourhood has been based on the EU’s regional perception of the world, China—reminiscent with its classical concentric circular worldview—initiates and operates its foreign relations on a bilateral basis, even if in some cases some formal regional fora do appear. These different approaches provide a specific overlap in Africa, where in the different sectors, they may clash or contribute to each other. The international multilateral fora (UN, EMP, FOCAC, etc.) add a specific element when they provide opportunities for a wider cooperation (such as anti-piracy and peacekeeping operations). In the following chapter, we explore the characteristics and the development of the EU and China’s regional approach to Africa, as well as the African understanding of regionalism. We aim to highlight similarities as well as important structural differences in the two entities’ relationships with African countries, institutions, and coalitions. Following this comparative case study-based analysis, our findings suggest that the different approaches of theEU and China have a variety of causal vectors, with a spectrum from the pragmatic to the political-cultural factors.

A N. Rózsa, E., Marsai, V., Bartók, A.: Regionalism vs Bilateralism in the EU-China-Africa Relations bejegyzés először VGI-én jelent meg.

Author: Veronika Czina

In: Allegra Wirmer, Irene Rusconi (eds.) How can an expanding EU best protect rule of law and democracy? European Council Experts’ Debrief, February 2024, pp. 5-6.

Abstract

The institutions of the EU have been busy trying to reform the EU’s rule of law protection toolkit in the past few years. However, it seems like there is still room for improvement: rule-breaking Member States can still control the narrative, as exemplified by the vote on Ukraine’s aid package in which Hungary had to be pressured and lobbied into supporting the decision. However, when it comes to the rule of law, such soft methods have proven ineffective so far, so it is time to focus on enforcement. The EU needs a clear strategy and Member States’ willingness is essential to address rule of law violating behaviour.

A Czina, V.: Challenges in protecting rule of law: the Hungarian case and EU responses bejegyzés először VGI-én jelent meg.

Authors: Veronika Czina, Tamás Szigetvári, Gábor Túry

In: Kaeding, M., Pollak, J., Schmidt, P. (eds) Enlargement and the Future of Europe. Springer, Cham, (2023). pp. 55-59.

DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-43234-7_13

Abstract

The current Hungarian foreign policy is committed to the integration of the Western Balkan countries and has been supportive in this regard ever since the country first gained European Union (EU) Membership in 2004. Hungary borders the Western Balkans and hence the region’s stability is crucial in both political and economic senses. However, compared to its previous strategy, the EU is now more cautious, preferring a stricter conditionality and slower accession for (potential) candidate countries. By contrast, Hungary is keen to speed up enlargement and would not only want to accelerate the process, but would also prefer to ease accession conditions. Nevertheless, it is recognised that rapid enlargement could undermine the entire European integration project’s internal cohesion and thus do more harm than good.

A Czina, V., Szigetvári, T., Túry, G.: Enlargement at All Costs? A View from Hungary bejegyzés először VGI-én jelent meg.