Authors: Erzsébet N. Rózsa, Viktor Marsai, András Bartók

In: Li, Y., Leandro, F.J.B.S., Tavares da Silva, J., Rodrigues, C. (eds) The Palgrave Handbook on China-Europe-Africa Relations. Palgrave Macmillan, Singapore. pp. 849–864.

DOI: 10.1007/978-981-97-5640-7_41

Abstract

Whilst the European Union’s approach to its direct and farther away neighbourhood has been based on the EU’s regional perception of the world, China—reminiscent with its classical concentric circular worldview—initiates and operates its foreign relations on a bilateral basis, even if in some cases some formal regional fora do appear. These different approaches provide a specific overlap in Africa, where in the different sectors, they may clash or contribute to each other. The international multilateral fora (UN, EMP, FOCAC, etc.) add a specific element when they provide opportunities for a wider cooperation (such as anti-piracy and peacekeeping operations). In the following chapter, we explore the characteristics and the development of the EU and China’s regional approach to Africa, as well as the African understanding of regionalism. We aim to highlight similarities as well as important structural differences in the two entities’ relationships with African countries, institutions, and coalitions. Following this comparative case study-based analysis, our findings suggest that the different approaches of theEU and China have a variety of causal vectors, with a spectrum from the pragmatic to the political-cultural factors.

A N. Rózsa, E., Marsai, V., Bartók, A.: Regionalism vs Bilateralism in the EU-China-Africa Relations bejegyzés először VGI-én jelent meg.

Szerző: N. Rózsa Erzsébet

In: Külügyi szemle, 23(1), 54-71.

DOI: https://doi.org/10.47707/Kulugyi_Szemle.2024.1.4

Absztrakt

A Perzsa-öböl térsége a Közel-Kelet és Észak-Afrika több szempontból is különálló alrégiója, amely a Külügyi Szemle e számának közel-keleti blokkjában vizsgált időszakban, 2020–2023 között a tágabban értelmezett térség folyamataiban új, a korábbiakhoz képest sokkal aktívabb és összetettebb szerepet játszik. A tanulmány a blokknak a Csicsmann László által írt bevezetőjében felvetett három fő téma – gulfizáció, a normalizáció és a palesztinkérdés – mentén kívánja a Perzsa-öböl belső dinamikáját elemezni.

A N. Rózsa, E.: Változó regionális rend a Perzsa-öbölben? bejegyzés először VGI-én jelent meg.

Authors: Erzsébet N. Rózsa, Tamás Szigetvári

In: From synergy to strategy in the black sea region. Assessing opportunities and challenges. Working Papers Series, No. 51. Bucharest: European Institute of Romania (2024). pp. 64-65.

Introduction

The Black Sea and the basin itself have for millennia been a transit route and provided connectivity – for military campaigns or migration among others – among Eastern – and Southeast Europe, the Caucasus, Central Asia, and the Middle East, both on land and on sea. Yet, it has mostly remained peripheral to mainstream European history, a field of regional power competition (Tsarist Russia and Ottoman Türkiye), and even to global power interests (Great Britain). Despite the fact that, the Black Sea constituted the border between the two worlds, during the Cold War, it was the accession of Romania and Bulgaria to the European Union and to NATO that seemed to offer renewed importance to the region.

A N. Rózsa, E., Szigetvári, T.: Connectivity, the Black Sea Region, and Hungarian Priorities bejegyzés először VGI-én jelent meg.

Authors: Viktor Marsai, Erzsébet N. Rózsa

In: Asian Journal of Middle Eastern and Islamic Studies, 2024

DOI: 10.1080/25765949.2023.2300582

Abstract

In the competition among the great powers as well as Middle Eastern regional actors the Horn, especially with its background of the Red Sea, has become the scene of two regional overlapping rivalries, namely between Saudi Arabia/the United Arab Emirates/Egypt and Qatar/Turkey on the one hand, and Saudi Arabia and Iran, on the other. While Iran seems to be far from the Horn of Africa, its participation in the war in Yemen as well as its strategic position both along the land route and the maritime route of the Chinese Belt and Road Initiative make it an unavoidable party. Iran is operating on the Horn of Africa to extend its strategic depth, resist the pressure of rival powers and counterbalance their activities, and increase its political and economic gains. Compared to other Gulf states, Tehran started its campaign relatively late, and Iran’s economic potential is more limited as well. The lack of significant Shi’a presence in East Africa is also an obstacle for expansion. Therefore, Iran is still a secondary actor on the Horn of Africa.

A Marsai, V., N. Rózsa, E.: The Late-comer Friend: Iranian Interests on the Horn of Africa bejegyzés először VGI-én jelent meg.